Sociological Imagination Essay Example for Free

Sociological Imagination Essay The study of the social world in addition to sociological imagination contests the individualistic and naturalistic approach to the analysis of social forces that mould human behaviour in contemporary society. The interrelated social concepts that influence human behaviour challenge both explanations through suggested theories, empirical investigation and critical analysis hence, illustrate difference in perception. A direct interpretation of sociology, as defined by the writers of the text, ËÅ"Sociology: Themes and Perspectives is,  ¦Ã‹Å" the study of society. (R. Van Krieken, P. Smith, D. Habibis, K. McDonald, M. Haralambos, M. Holborn 2000:05). The study reveals mixed assumptions and perspectives of the institutions of the social world and how it influences the development of social behaviour. It challenges ideas and factors outside an individual for the pattern of human behaviour, that is, an external view. (E.C. Cuff G.C.F. Payne 1979:09). Understanding the patterns of individuals and groups in society as a whole is accepted as a scientific venture. Thus, it engages in theoretical assumptions that are empirically tested via systematic methodology and critically analysed after research results are displayed. (A. Giddens 1997:12). Sociology can only act as a window, suggesting viewpoints that may assist in a greater understanding of society. It will never determine the ËÅ"truth as a concluding result. (E.C. Cuff G.C.F. Payne 1979:09). The distinctive characteristic of sociology is the concept of being able to think beyond what is logically obvious in a particular situation concerning an individual or a whole population. It also reflects the position of an individual within the barriers of a social institution within society. This concept is referred to as ËÅ"sociological imagination. Author of ËÅ"The Sociological Imagination: The Promise, C. Wright Mills, establishes the significance of ËÅ"personal troubles, stating that, ËÅ"Troubles occur within the character of an individual ¦they have to do with his self ¦a biographical entity ¦ a private matter: values cherished by an individual are felt by him to be threatened and ËÅ"public issues as, ËÅ"An issue, in  fact, often involves a crisis in institutional arrangements ¦ (C.R. Mills 1959:08-9). The exemplification of unemployment can be adapted to illustrate the framework of sociological imagination as a means of perspective. In the working field of a society, an individual is depicted as unemployed in contrast to the employed members of society. The individualistic situation is viewed as a ËÅ"personal trouble therefore theories based upon the character, skills and available opportunities of the individual are critically analysed and considered as possible explanations. Conversely, a group of individuals labelled as unemployed, are juxtaposed to the remaining employed members of the society. The circumstances are presented as a ËÅ"public issue and individualistic factors are no longer the case. The institutional arrangements of the society are contested critically, judging the social structure rather than examining each individual separately. Sociological imagination demonstrates the variation between the sociological perspective, that is, examining society as a whole, with the individualistic explanation of conforming to personal solutions contained by an individual. (C.R. Mills 1959:09, 2000:05-6). The naturalistic explanations of human behaviour, in terms of biology, suggest the theory, ËÅ"it is only human nature. (2000:06). The sociological perspective applies a critical approach, debating the idea of natural occurrences in the pattern of human behaviour. Social behaviour, perceived on sociological grounds, is acquired by the social force of culture, which is used as a theory against naturalistic or biological interpretation. The concept of culture generates the notion for change and permanence of societies in local, national to global contexts. It also refers to customs, beliefs, values, associated language and traditions that are learned and passed on from generation to generation of a particular community in society. A theoretical statement that is proposed and challenged by both explanations is the idea of ËÅ"parents loving their children. (2000:06). Naturally, parents express strong emotions towards their offspring as a result of biological structure. However, sociological perspective explores beyond the stated assumption and examines the issue on a cross-cultural basis. Empirical research submits the view of China and the involvement of illegal adoption schemes, the limited interaction between parents and  children of European backgrounds with regards to boarding schools and the contact of a nanny during most of the growing ages of a child. Sociological imagination supports the concept of culture as a means of determining the patterns of social behaviour of individuals in society. A key role that also plays a part in moulding human behaviour is the social force of socialisation. It is a process of interaction between individuals and groups of a society. The knowledge is shared, learned and transmitted within small groups and large systems. Socialisation is promoted throughout a mixture of agents where the process occurs. A naturalistic perspective views this notion of communication as,  ¦Ã‹Å"an essential component of being human ¦ otherwise, known to be biologically inherited. (2000:08). The sociological assumption to the theory of skill adaptation, argue that the exposure of being in contact with other human beings assists in the development of social behaviour. However, the assumption does not contradict the biological theory of inheritance, it simply suggests that a considerable amount of identity development is produced from the social environment, that is, the agents of socialisation. The evidence of ËÅ"wolf children empirically justifies the need for human interaction in order to evolve an identity. (2000:08). The perceived theoretical explanations, supported by empirical evidence for the development of patterned human behaviour, demonstrate a differentiation that is critically contested between both evaluations. The perspective of functionalism in association to sociological imagination, practiced in the work of Emile Durkheim, may be interpreted on a biological level. Distinctively speaking, the human body may be exemplified as an aid to enhance the understanding of society as a whole. The different parts of the human body are linked, therefore understanding the relationship between them, formulates a basic conception of the organism as a whole. (2000:13, A. Giddens 1997:08-9). The Marxist feminism perspective views the position of women in society within the structural form. Sociologically, women are a form of underclass in the working class society of the economical system. The type of work and  duties carried out in the institution of the home is unrecognised in the macro world. As a result, women undertake low-status jobs in the workforce, this action is known as a, ËÅ"reserve army of labour. (2000:20). The radical Marxist perspective suggests that females in contemporary society lack equality due to the biological difference of their body structure. Thus, the removal of the reproductive system is said to alleviate male patriarchy. The variation of the natural theory in contrast to the social idea is evident within the critical analysis of the position of women in society, hence moulding the social behaviour of individuals with regards to the status of women. (A.Giddens 1997:10). In conclusion, the emphasis on critical analysis between the sociological perspective and imagination in opposition to the individualistic and naturalistic approach illustrate differentiation in suggested theories. The dissimilarity articulates solid empirical evidence supported by both sides of perspectives, therefore challenges the social forces of culture, socialisation and identity that manipulate and mould the human behaviour in contemporary society. The connections like functionalism and Marxism, branch out from the perspectives to function as padding, placing a conceptualised interpretation of social behaviour with regards to society. The process of learning sociologically is, ËÅ"looking, in other words, at the broader view ¦cultivating imagination. (A. Giddens 1997:03). Sociology does not determine an accurate response to the theories placed upon society. Nevertheless, it can supply a greater capacity for understanding the society as a whole via the linkages of sociological imagination and individualistic and naturalistic angles.

Instructions for OpenStack

Instructions for OpenStack OpenStack is an arrangement of free and open-source software tools that is utilized for controlling substantial pool of compute, storage and networking resources managed through a datacenter which is overseen through a dashboard that gives head control while permitting their clients to spare assets through a web interface. Since OpenStack is overseeing distributed computing platform for both public and private cloud, it is supported by a portion of the greatest organizations and also a large number of individual group individuals. For creating an instance in OpenStack we need to use the URL cloud.ncirl.ie. To access the cloud compentency centre there is an option for OpenStack. We need to click on that option. A login page will appear where the Domain name is ncirl, we need to put login details like username and password. After login we can check the Instances, VCPUs, RAM, Floating IPs, Security groups, Volume and Volume storage etc. if any previous instances is there we can also check those. In order to create an OpenStack Instances we need to create Key pair. To create key pair we need to select Project à ¢Ã¢â‚¬  Ã¢â‚¬â„¢Compute. In Compute options like Overview, Instances, Volumes, Images and Access Security. In Access Security we choose the second option Key Pairs. In Key Pairs there is an option create key pair, we have to choose that option. Inside create key pair we have to enter the desired key pair name and click on the option Create key pair. A .pem file will be downloaded to the system, which is used to login to instance using putty. The second step is to click on instances à ¢Ã¢â‚¬  Ã¢â‚¬â„¢ Launch instance then a pop up appears where we have to put an instance name. Available zone is nova and count should be 1. We need to select the source for the instance, we select boot source as image and the required operating system can be Ubuntu 14.04. Now we need to select the Flavor, the required flavor is m1.large. In network tab we select private_default. We dont have to make any changes in network port. In security group tab we select default and http-8080. In key pair we have to select the key pair which was created earlier. In configuration tab we have to paste the shell script for cloud from: https://docs.openstack.org/developer/devstack/guides/single-vm.html. Now on clicking the launch instance an instance will be created. Now we have to associate a floating point IP to the instance so that it can be accessed from outside the cloud. The third step is to go to Puttygen and load the .pem file to generate a .pkk file to access the created instance by windows operating system. Now go to Putty and paste the floating IP in the host name bar and then we add the private key which is .pkk which was earlier generated using Puttygen, now click open. I command prompt will appear to the created instance where login details is required like username and password. The username is Ubuntu and password is password. After login we have to verify whether the username is stack or not by using the command line cd ~/../stack. Now we have to check whether the script got completed by using tail/var/log/cloud-init-output.log. The final step is to open the browser and type the floating IP associated to the instance in the address bar. An OpenStack dashboard will appear where we have to input the username as admin and password as password. An OpenStack horizon will appear where we need to go to Project à ¢Ã¢â‚¬  Ã¢â‚¬â„¢ Compute à ¢Ã¢â‚¬  Ã¢â‚¬â„¢Overview to get the following screen. Personal experience while creating instances in OpenStack While creating key pair I saved the .pem file on my local folder in my system. While generating instance, I faced a problem of getting three IP address on the same instance. I tried for three times each time deleting the previous instance and creating a new one, finally got a single IP on the third try. To make instance visible and for usage we need a floating IP address, but due to limited floating IP it was very difficult to get an IP for my instance. In Puttygen I had to load the .pem file and generate .pkk file which is a private key for windows user. Then after I had to open the putty and type the floating IP address in Host Name session. After that I had to prompt .pkk file from Auth inside SSH.The other issue was after creating .pkk file I was not able to access the command prompt for instance, then by getting guidance from Dr. Ralf Beirig in lecture and only then I was able to overcome this issue. After accessing into cloud I checked the user stack by giving commond line   cd ~/../stack to check whether stack is present or not in home folder then I gave command line of tail /var/logs/cloud-init-output.log to show the status of current script. In the URL, I pasted my floating IP and could access the OpenStack horizon by entering username as admin and password as password.

Death Is A Natural Process

Death Is A Natural Process Abstract Death is a natural process experienced by every being. Yet, societys attitude towards death and dying has become one of fear and avoidance. The intention of this essay was to consider factors that account for the gradual shift in social perceptions of death. The exploration of historical experiences of death identified the link between an increased awareness and fear of mortality, with the impact of medicalisation. It acknowledges how the radical improvements within healthcare have limited societys exposure to death by reducing the number of premature deaths. Adaptations to the care of the dying are also associated with the prevalence of the medical profession and the decline of religious influence. The essay highlights sociological concerns over the isolation of the dying, particularly when care provision is confined within the hospital environment, causing death to be hidden from society. The diverse rituals and traditions demonstrated by a variety of cultures were examined, along with the contrast in burial rites between the social classes. The psychological impact of death discussed the potential of creating a perpetual fear of dying, through childhood socialisation of death and grief. Removal of such fear and misconception is associated with the vision of palliative care. Evaluation of its strategy identified its aim to improve quality of life by promoting informed choice and patient focused care. It also acknowledged the limitations of its resources and the restriction of services to specific conditions. The culmination of all factors expressed within the essay is fundamental to the changes in social attitudes. An increased awareness of mortality and the desire to prolong life wherever possible has contributed to a fear and denial of death. Overall, social perceptions of death and dying are subjective to cultural diversity and are adaptive to the dynamics of society. In this world nothing can be said to be certain, except death and taxes (Franklin, 1789, cited in The Phrase Finder, 2013). The words of Benjamin Franklin signify the reality of deaths undeniable role in natural existence. Yet, the subject of death is more widely associated with morbidity than a universal biological process. Prior to the 19th century, very little research or literature featured such a taboo subject. This essay will explore changes in social attitudes to death and dying, with particular focus on changes in historical patterns, rituals and traditions and the progression of the hospice movement. Pre-modern society was well acquainted with death; the event, though tragic, was encountered with little surprise or overwhelming fear. The historical perspectives of death will outline the contrast between such awareness and acceptance of mortality during the Middle Ages, to modern societys focus on prevention and cure. The rituals and traditions surrounding death will consider the burial rites associated with social and economic status and present the symbolic interpretations of diverse cultures within society. The sociological impact of death will appraise the social disruptions caused by grief, and the positive social functions of death that contribute to equilibrium within society. Additional analysis of the shift in attitudes towards death will discuss the notion that society is graduating towards further denial of death. It will examine the medias portrayal of death in society, along with the desire to control and prevent death through medical science and technology. A brief review of the psychological perspective of dying will refer to socially constructed attitudes to grieving. In particular, parental socialisation and childhood experiences of grief that contributes to a perpetuated fear of death. Finally, examination of the research into the growth of the hospice movement will reveal the history behind its evolution and review the pioneering work of Dame Cicely Saunders. Critical analysis of palliative care will attempt to identify limitations of the service, along with the efforts by palliative care councils and charities, to extend services and prevent social exclusions. These services, when implemented effectively, have the potential to change societys perception of death and the dying process. Historically, the risk of death in western societies has reduced significantly over the last few centuries. Improvements within childcare, education and the discovery of antibiotics, has limited societys experience of infant mortality and contributed to an overall increased life expectancy. Premature death of children under the age of five was just 5% between 1990 and 2010, in comparison to the thousands that failed to thrive during the Middle Ages, due to poverty and diseases such as tuberculosis and the Black Death (WHO, 2012, p19). Chronic and terminal illnesses such as cancers, cardiovascular disorders and respiratory diseases account for the majority of deaths among the middle aged in contemporary society. The younger generation tends to be associated with deaths resulting from suicide, Aids and illnesses related to drug and alcohol abuse (Taylor and Field, 2003, p156). Medical technology has contributed to the eradication of many diseases within western countries but it is yet to take effect on a global level. Populations within Africa continue to be affected by cholera, leprosy and malaria. Survival rates are low due to extremes of poverty, unsanitary living conditions and limited access to medical treatment (WHO, 2012, p94). Death and disease was encountered during the Middle Ages with such regularity, it became less feared. Historian Arià ¨s (1974, p7), referred to death in this era as tamed death. Death was experienced on a communal level as friends, family and even children visited the dying on their sick bed, with no theatrics, with no great show of emotion, (Arià ¨s, 1974, p13). Religious influence was prominent during the 11th and 12th century and great emphasis was placed on the judgment of the individual on the last day of their life. A strong allegiance with church was believed to determine resurrection. Thus, the process of Ones own death, (Arià ¨s, 1974, p36) became more personal, indicating a greater awareness of existence and mortality. The 18th century witnessed the most significant change in social attitude towards death. Thy death, as described by Arià ¨s (1974, p66), intensified the emotional aspect of separation. This lead to more pronounced displays of grief through a greater fear of loss. The emotional impact of death contributed to a new desire to withhold the prognosis of death and relocate the dying to the hospital environment. Arià ¨s (1974, pp86-89), refers to this as the Forbidden death as traditional rituals of death were abandoned and replaced by clinical practices of the medical profession. The religious figures responsibility of overseeing the death process was relinquished to the physicians. Sociologists such as Elias (1985, cited in Giddens, 2009, pp320-321), acknowledge that medicalisation has enabled greater management of symptom and pain control. However, in doing so, the dying are pushed behind closed doors through a societal need to civilise the death process. He argues the promise of death free from pain and distress may come at the emotional expense of patients; as dying in hospital is both isolating and lonely. Caring for the terminally ill in hospitals became the cultural norm and was the site of approximately three quarters of all deaths by the 1950s. Ironically, many elderly people are more fearful of the institutionalisation of hospitals and nursing homes than death itself. They feel a loss of identity when removed from social circles and loved ones, to an unfamiliar environment where care is provided by strangers (Kearl, ND). Conversely, many sociologists argue that medicalisation of death has established positive social functions. Kellehear (2000, cited in Howarth, 2007, p135) maintains that good death is subject to a degree of social regulation, reliant on the collaboration of the patient, their family and the medical profession. He claims that if the responsibility of care is placed in medical hands, the patient and their family can be proactive with preparations and the organisation of personal matters. He argues, in certain circumstances the patient may continue to work, promoting self -worth and a valued contribution to society. Continuation of social roles is dependent on the nature and progression of the condition. Illnesses that cause a gradual decline in health and an anticipated death, arguably, have less impact on society. Sudden and premature deaths can evoke more intense reactions within society and require lengthier periods of readjustment (Clark and Seymour, 1999, p11). Diseases such as AIDS can attract negative societal judgment, causing sufferers to withdraw from social interaction. They may experience a loss of identity to the disease and choose to keep the stigma hidden from social view (Moon and Gillespie, 1995, p89). Deaths caused by AIDS and suicide tend to receive less empathy due to the perception of personal responsibility. Yet, some cultures in Japan view suicide as an honourable act with no attachment of religious punishment. The high rates of suicide among Japanese women over the age of 75 are thought to relieve the burden of care and responsibility from loved ones. Although suicide is still perceived negatively by Western societies it does not reflect such extreme attitudes of the Middle Ages. The historical shame attached to suicidal death led to the denial of proper burial rites. Suicide victims were often buried in the same manner as criminals and the poor of society, in unmarked graves and ditches (Howarth, 2007, p65). Burial within the confines of the church was the privilege of the wealthy. Those of high social status endeavoured to secure a burial plot under the flagstones, or within the walls of the church, believing this increased their chance of resurrection (Arià ¨s, 1974, p18). The poor did not qualify for such opportunities. Their burial was of little significance to the churches entrusted with the care of the dead. The poor were buried in either, unmarked graves or large communal ditches. As the pits became piled high with the deceased, older ditches were re-opened and the remaining bones were removed (Arià ¨s, 1974, pp18-22). This was common practice until the 18th century when concerns were raised over the lack of respect shown towards the remains of the deceased. Tombs were introduced to accommodate the dead and reduce the risk of disease from the foul smelling ditches (Arià ¨s, 1974, p70). The evolution of undertaking as a recognised profession and business replaced the primitive role adopted by carpenters and grave diggers. The management of death and burial came at a high price as funeral processions developed into a spectacle of wealth and social status. Little consideration was given to the poor, who, in extreme circumstances would store bodies of their loved ones until able to pay the funeral costs. The poor were also at the mercy of thieves involved in stealing recently expired corpses and selling them to the medical profession for analysis. They could not afford to pay for reinforced coffins or graves that offered protection within the confines of the cemetery. Such was the stigma of a paupers burial, people began to take out burial insurance and often went without food to maintain contributions to their policy (Howarth, pp222-242). The increasing cost and unsanitary nature of burial motivated an influential figure, Sir Henry Thompson, surgeon to Queen Victoria, to propose an alternative method of dealing with deceased. In 1874 he founded the Cremation Society of England and began the lengthy campaign for the legalisation of cremation. Despite continued opposition from the Home Office, it was eventually pronounced legal in 1884 during the trial of Dr William Price in a South Glamorgan courtroom. Price was an 83 year old man who was arrested for attempting to cremate the body of his five month old son. The judge, Mr Justice Stephen, declared cremation would be permitted as long as the process did not impact negatively on others. This gave rise to the construction of crematoriums and the realisation of the cremation movement on a global scale. During the 19th century The Cremation Society of England became The Cremation Society, forcing the Home Office to recognise this as a legal alternative to burial and issue c remation regulations that remain present to date. The Roman Catholic faith was also forced to acknowledge the shift in public opinion towards cremation. This led to the Pope lifting the ban that previously forbade catholic priests from conducting services in crematoriums (Cremation Society of great Britain, 1974). Although cremation has become increasingly popular in contemporary society, many continue to uphold the traditional ritual of burial. The expansion of cemeteries within close proximity of museums and parks has created more accessible environments and a society inclusive of the deceased (Kearl ND). Decorative memorial statues and headstones are more prevalently adorned by floral displays and traditional flower wreaths, symbolising continuity and eternity. Symbolism associated with the rites of passage reflects the varied cultural traditions within society. Colour is a universal symbol of death and grief, yet there are such variations of colour worn by different cultures. Black has been the traditional colour to mark the period of mourning within Britain. A torn black ribbon worn on clothing is also significant to Jewish culture and is worn for the first seven days of their mourning period. Conversely, white is worn by Sikh, Buddhist and some Hindu cultures, symbolising purity and eternal life. (Everplans, ND). Mourning periods are also subject to cultural diversity and social regulation, as normal routines and social interactions adapt to the beliefs and traditions of the individual. The sociological impact of death and its associated mourning period are socially disruptive on a variety of levels. From a functionalist perspective, the societal roles of those close to the deceased may be compromised by extensive grieving periods that can negatively impact upon the equilibrium of society. Whilst the customary ritual of mourning is acknowledged by society, there is a limit to its tolerance. There is an underlying necessity for the individuals to resume their roles and re-integrate with their social groups (Howarth, 2007, p235). The depth of disruption to social order is dependent on the number and circumstances of death and the re-distribution of roles within social groups. Historically, the effects of the Black Death on the working class community were experienced on a far greater scale through the loss of so many lives. Yet, the social groups of the upper class were able to function to some degree. They utilised their wealth and status, retreating to sanctuaries t o protect themselves, whilst continuing their positions and roles from a safe distance. Re-establishment of roles is essential, not only to maintain societys ability to function, but also to limit the financial cost of death (Kearl, ND). As Marx (1964, pp71-73) argued, a capitalist society has little sympathy for the workers, who, in their attempts to meet the demands of the ruling class put themselves at greater risk of death. The focus remains on the potential disruption to work and its threat to capitalism. Working hours lost to grief and mourning reduces production and profits. Death also provides opportunities for financial gain within a capitalist society; insurance policies, funeral and burial costs undoubtedly contribute to capitalist economic wealth. Social mechanisms have evolved throughout history to reduce the disruption of death to society. During the Middle Ages, when childhood mortality was commonplace, people were socialised to refrain from forming a deep attachment to their children. Many did not refer to their children by their names until they reached a certain age, as survival rates were low. Women often gave birth many times to increase the likelihood of the survival of at least one child. Through the effects of medicalisation, premature deaths have been significantly reduced. Medical institutions have increased the promotion of health awareness to minimise the risk of death and its disruption to society. Death itself has become less visible as social systems of modern society have contributed to the institutionalisation of the dying. Funeral arrangements have become a more discrete process through delegation of matters to businesses specialise in the management of death (Kearl, ND). Death, though disruptive, has evident positive social functions. Societys rules of succession allow the social roles of the deceased to be surrendered to family members or the wider community, creating the potential of social mobility. Death also functions to control an ever increasing population, whilst its fear induces a greater level of social control and conformity (Kearl, ND). An increased awareness of mortality can promote reflection on the values of a society. When death is experienced on a large scale, communities demonstrate a collective approach to morals and values. Social bonds are formed as they attempt to cope with tragic circumstances and are united in grief (Howarth, 2007, p112). Tragedies and natural disasters that lead to mass death receive extensive global media coverage. Televised news reports provide visual access to scenes such as the gunfire during the Gulf War and the terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center. Despite the morbid aspect of death, television shows such as ER, Six Feet Under and House, depict scenes of death and dying that have become a part of popular culture. Film productions incorporating death as the underlying theme are presented across a variety of genres such as westerns, horrors and comedy. References to death do not escape the music industry, expressly within the lyrics of rap and heavy metal songs. The description of violent acts, coupled with the murders of well-known musicians within the rap culture, no doubt contribute to the dark and morbid image of death (Durkin, 2003, p44). Sensationalising media reports on the deaths of public figures and celebrities heighten the curiosity of the public and instigate outpouring display s of grief. The term dark tourism outlined by Marchant and Middleton (2007, p2) highlights the increasing phenomenon of visiting scenes of tragic death like the Nazi concentration camps and Ground Zero. It suggests that such behaviour may not simply occur out of grief and sympathy, rather, curiosity and a desire to connect with the event. Fundamentally, the suggestion is that society may be more open to face death than deny or hide from it. Contemporary western societies have been described by some sociologists as death denying, a result of the medicalisation of death. The dynamics of society have become focused on finding cures for illness, disease and the prevention of death wherever possible. Advancements within the medical and pharmaceutical fields have made significant progress in prolonging life. However, the involvement of such specialised medical technology is often limited to clinical environments. Arguably, this contributes to social isolation of the sick. The invisibility of death not only shields the death process, it protects the family members and social groups within society. If medical technologies and tools were not utilised in the management of death, it may be deemed as a capitalist attempt to limit costs within healthcare provision. Many social scientists argue that medicalisation has, in fact, enabled a degree of acceptance towards death. They maintain that the active scientific approach to healthca re increases the acceptance of death when it is beyond the control of science (Zimmerman and Rodin, 2004, p125). Scientific analysis and discoveries have provided western societies with a greater awareness of environmental risks. Natural disasters, often referred to as Acts of God, may not be controlled by science; however, modern technology has increased the accuracy of predicting such events (Howarth, 2007, p77). Whilst, prediction can facilitate a greater level of preparation and reduce the risk of death, it is essentially beyond all control. The nature of death can itself be shaped by society in relation to the cultural, social and economic environment. Durkheims exploration of societal influence on death was examined during his suicide study (Appendix 1). His investigation highlighted the correlation between economic instability during periods of both depression and prosperity and an increase in suicide rates. He maintained that societal forces were of greater influence than an individuals state of mind. The conclusions of Durkheims study were based on official statistics, therefore, it is reasonable to question their true reflection of society (Giddens, 2009, pp16-17). However, his argument that death is a social problem is plausible. It is societys response to death that is reflected in the unique rituals and symbolic meanings established to provide a coping mechanism for death and dying (Howarth, 2007, p15). The high rate of suicide among young males is one of the more significant statistics in modern society. The general perception of the male as the provider may cause increased pressure to compete successfully for social and economic resources. Failure to meet such expectations can make suicide seem like a viable solution to the problem. The pressure to maintain the masculine role and the reluctance to seek assistance is instrumental to the male approach when faced with death and grief (Howarth, 2007, pp64-65). Grief is considered by some social scientists as a universal reaction to the loss of human life. Yet, the subjective nature and extent of grief can vary between culture, social class and gender. During the late 19th century, unlike men, middle class women were encouraged to grieve openly as greater emphasis was placed on the caring and sympathetic disposition of their role. Functionalists, in their perception of the natural division of gender roles, would argue that exhibitions of male grief are a sign weakness and damaging to the masculine role (Howarth, 2007, pp223-231). Prior to medical advancements many women, particularly in the working class, died during childbirth. Husbands often remarried swiftly after the death of their spouse to re-establish the female role of housewife and mother. In modern day society, there have been numerous studies that indicate higher levels of mortality occur within close proximity of the death of a spouse. Objective analysis of these circumstances may identify other contributing factors that have a causal link such as; lack of appetite, a change in lifestyle and the increased emotional and financial stress that accompanies death and loss (Gross and Kinnison, 2007, p372). As mourning has become less of a public display within society, Arià ¨s (1974, p91) suggests that such discretion may influence the high rates of mortality among surviving spouses. He argues that society has become less accepting of grief, causing the bereaved to withhold emotion through fear of judgement. Grief does not always follow death, it can precede it by those facing death. Psychologist Kà ¼bler-Ross developed a framework classifying the five stages of grief; Denial, Anger, Bargaining, Depression and Acceptance, all relating to the anticipation and process of dying (Kà ¼bler-Ross, 1970, pp34-99). Whilst these stages provide an insight and explanation to the emotions experienced, generalisations should not be made concerning the grieving process. The five stage theory (Appendix 2) is to some degree a one size fits all approach and may not reflect the multi-cultural society of today. However, there is room for variation and flexibility within each stage of the Kà ¼bler-Ross framework that may be applicable to certain cultures. Gross and Kinnison (2007, pp378-379) maintain that childhood grief is also subjective to culture and socialisation, rather than a generalised stage process. They argue that children of modern society are often shielded from the realities of death, resulting from parental fear and denial of death. Feelings and emotions expressed by those surrounding them have the potential to shape the childs outlook and ability to contend with death. Kà ¼bler-Ross (1970, p6) argues that children who are present in an environment where death has occurred and are given the opportunity to talk rather than being removed from the environment, can share in the grieving and mourning process. Death then has the potential to be less feared and more accepted as a natural part of life. Nurses and medical staff involved in the care of the dying are far more exposed to all aspects of death and grief than most. Communication with dying patients and sensing the appropriate time to discuss issues of terminal illness is a fundamental, yet challenging part of the role. Consequently, many healthcare professionals utilise a form of behaviour referred to by psychologists as blocking. This enables them to avoid confrontation of such issues by changing the subject and re-directing the focus onto less pessimistic issues. Although the predominant focus of medicine is to cure, the dynamics of nursing terminally ill patients have progressed allowing greater emphasis to be placed on care. This has been motivated by the increasing growth of the hospice movement (Gross and Kinnison, 2007, pp377-378). Evolution of the hospice can be traced back to the Middle Ages when its function was to provide shelter and care for the sick, elderly, orphans and the poor. The progression of medicalisation during the 19th century, led to the establishment of new hospitals that focused on the management and cure of financially profitable illnesses, such as scurvy and leg ulcers. The chronically ill and dying were deemed as undesirable and non-profitable patients. Subsequently, medical and spiritual care was provided in sanctuaries by religious orders (Clark and Seymour, 1999, pp66-67). The 20th century witnessed the greatest change in the provision of care for the terminally ill. In 1967, St. Christophers Hospice was founded by Dame Cicely Saunders. It was the first of its kind, offering management of symptom control and care alongside clinical research. Saunders trained as a nurse, a medical social worker and eventually a physician. She was motivated to work within the care of the terminally ill as the general consensus among clinicians was that little could be offered to these patients. Her pioneering work within the hospice inspired charitable organisations to fund the construction of many more hospices. St. Christophers hospice eventually extended its services to the wider community in 1969 (St.Christophers.org, ND). The expansion of community based care led to an increase in funding from charitable organisations for the provision of specialist cancer nurses. As the hospice movement gathered momentum, there was an alteration in the terminology of this division of care, from terminal to palliative care. Distancing the association of terminal with imminent death aimed to address the misconception that patients qualifying for palliative services were at the end stages of life. Although hospices were initially reliant on charitable funds, the elevating costs of clinical treatments and increased life expectancy forced many to apply for NHS state funding. The involvement of the NHS not only induced financial support but also an element of regulation (Clark and Seymour, 1999, pp74-78). The influence of government funding within hospices has generated concern among some sociologists, who fear the hospice movement is in danger of losing sight of its original vision. The focus on professionalism and qualit y audits has led to comparisons of hospices with large organisational institutions, guilty of routinisation (James and Field, 1992, pp1363-1375). Palliative care services are difficult to measure as the nature of the service is to manage care and symptom control rather than to cure. Palliative care focuses on the value of quality of life rather than the medical model of quantity of life (Appendix 2). Palliative care and the hospice movement have predominantly been associated with terminal diseases such as cancer, AIDS and motor neurone disease. Yet, there has been an increasing demand for services to be inclusive of other lesser known conditions (Seymour, 2007). Many organisations are now actively working towards the provision of services across a wider spectrum, through data analysis and interaction with government agencies and politicians (National Council for Palliative Care, 2012). A key issue is the limitation of available resources and funds to meet the increased demand. Support and guidance extends to the family affected by the illness, exerting further pressure on the service to adapt the delivery of care in accordance to the family structure and dynamics. Consideration of varying traditions within a multi-cultural society is fundamental to the success of the service (Becker, 2009). The demographic changes to society and increased life expectancy have intensified the expectation of services to be available for extended periods. Access to palliative care in a modern capitalist society has led to a postcode lottery. The poor of society are at greater risk of being deprived of services if they reside in damp, cold and lower quality housing, deemed an unsuitable environment for community based care (Seymour, 2007). Less affluent areas of society with a high proportion of ethnic minorities are also significantly under-represented as palliative care service users. The language barrier and lack of information is a significant issue as patients and families are not fully aware of the referral procedure. For many cultures accepting a provision of care from outside agencies removes the responsibility from the extended family (Beresford, Adshead, Croft, 2006, pp146-151). Palliative care services are not easily accessible to the homeless of society. They are often reluctant to attend appointments in an unfamiliar environment, for fear of judgment or isolation. New initiatives such as St. Mungos Palliative Care Project, aim to tackle this issue by offering support and guidance to homeless sufferers and the professionals who work alongside them (National Council for Palliative Care, 2012). St. Christophers have also collaborated with the University of Baths Centre for Death and Society, to promote services. Through the utilisation of media resources and technology they are able to extend services to non-resident patients and prevent social exclusions (Centre for Death and Society, 2012). Professor Ilora Finlay has become a modern day pioneer of the hospice movement. Her role as the first consultant in Palliative Medicine at Cardiff University and work within parliament has led to the implementation of her palliative care strategy. This strategy has facilitated the enhancement of patient-focused services across Wales. Finlay is also responsible for the establishment of distance learning courses in palliative care, achieving international recognition and contributing to the increasing number of palliative care clinicians (Finlay, 2009, pp349-351). There is a recognised need for re-investment in palliative care to develop professional skills across a wide range of services. The benefits will not only improve patients quality of life but also reduce unnecessary NHS hospital admissions and the financial cost to the economy (Association for Palliative Medicine, 2010). Arguably, there would be less expectation of society to change its attitude towards dying, if, the focus r emained on the provision of resources to prevent anxiety and facilitate a good death (Zimm

Edgar Allen Poe :: essays research papers fc

Edgar Allan Poe   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Best known for his poems and short fiction, Edgar Allan Poe deserves more credit than any other writer for the transformation of the short story into a respected literary work. He virtually created the detective story and perfected the psychological thriller. He also produced some of the most influential literary criticism of his time. Although he contributed so much to the writing world, little is known about the Poe himself. Historians have been trying for years to piece together the life of this literary genius. In almost every biographical publication Poe’s life is divided into three sections: his early life, his career, and his death. Exactly when and where Poe was born is not known, but historians believe that he was born in Boston, in 1809 (Hayes 5). Poe's parents, David Poe Jr. and Elizabeth Arnold Hopkins, were touring actors; both died before he was three years old, and he was taken into the home of John Allan. Allan was a prosperous merchant in Richmond, Virginia. Poe’s childhood was uneventful, although he studied in England between 1815 and 1820 (Jacobs 56). In 1826 he entered the University of Virginia but stayed for only a year. Although a good student, he ran up large gambling debts that Allan refused to pay. Allan prevented his return to the university and broke off Poe's engagement to Sarah Elmira Royster, his Richmond sweetheart. Lacking any means of support, Poe enlisted in the army. He had, however, already written and printed at his own expense his first book, Tamerlane and Other Poems (Hayes 6). Temporarily reconciled, John Allan secured Poe's release from the army and his appointment to W est Point but refused to provide financial support (Hayes 11). After 6 months Poe apparently contrived to be dismissed from West Point for disobedience of orders (Kennedy 35). Poe next took up residence in Baltimore with his widowed aunt, Maria Clemm, and her daughter, Virginia, and turned to fiction as a way to support himself (Walker 2). In 1832 the Philadelphia Saturday Courier published five of his stories, and in 1833, MS. Found in a Bottle won a fifty dollar prize given by the Baltimore Saturday Visitor (Walker 125). Poe, his aunt, and Virginia moved to Richmond in 1835. Poe became editor of the Southern Literary Messenger and married Virginia, who was not yet 14 years old (Jacobs 61). During this time Poe published fiction, such as Berenice, but most of his contributions were serious, analytical, and critical reviews that earned him respect as a critic (Jacobs 64). Edgar Allen Poe :: essays research papers fc Edgar Allan Poe   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Best known for his poems and short fiction, Edgar Allan Poe deserves more credit than any other writer for the transformation of the short story into a respected literary work. He virtually created the detective story and perfected the psychological thriller. He also produced some of the most influential literary criticism of his time. Although he contributed so much to the writing world, little is known about the Poe himself. Historians have been trying for years to piece together the life of this literary genius. In almost every biographical publication Poe’s life is divided into three sections: his early life, his career, and his death. Exactly when and where Poe was born is not known, but historians believe that he was born in Boston, in 1809 (Hayes 5). Poe's parents, David Poe Jr. and Elizabeth Arnold Hopkins, were touring actors; both died before he was three years old, and he was taken into the home of John Allan. Allan was a prosperous merchant in Richmond, Virginia. Poe’s childhood was uneventful, although he studied in England between 1815 and 1820 (Jacobs 56). In 1826 he entered the University of Virginia but stayed for only a year. Although a good student, he ran up large gambling debts that Allan refused to pay. Allan prevented his return to the university and broke off Poe's engagement to Sarah Elmira Royster, his Richmond sweetheart. Lacking any means of support, Poe enlisted in the army. He had, however, already written and printed at his own expense his first book, Tamerlane and Other Poems (Hayes 6). Temporarily reconciled, John Allan secured Poe's release from the army and his appointment to W est Point but refused to provide financial support (Hayes 11). After 6 months Poe apparently contrived to be dismissed from West Point for disobedience of orders (Kennedy 35). Poe next took up residence in Baltimore with his widowed aunt, Maria Clemm, and her daughter, Virginia, and turned to fiction as a way to support himself (Walker 2). In 1832 the Philadelphia Saturday Courier published five of his stories, and in 1833, MS. Found in a Bottle won a fifty dollar prize given by the Baltimore Saturday Visitor (Walker 125). Poe, his aunt, and Virginia moved to Richmond in 1835. Poe became editor of the Southern Literary Messenger and married Virginia, who was not yet 14 years old (Jacobs 61). During this time Poe published fiction, such as Berenice, but most of his contributions were serious, analytical, and critical reviews that earned him respect as a critic (Jacobs 64).

The Collapse of the Egyptian Regime Essay -- Politics, Hosni Mubarak,

Three months ago, no one in the world could have expected the collapse of the Egyptian regime as a result of a popular revolution. The Egyptians revolted against the iron-fisted hand of the Egyptian president, Hosni Mubarak, over three main authorities in Egypt, which are the legislative authority, the executive authority, and the judicial authority. Revolutionaries also called for overthrow the Egyptian regime in order to achieve all their aspirations for a better life in Egypt, and this appeared clearly from their daily chant for eighteen continuous days, which was â€Å"the people want to bring down the regime.† They realized most of their aims through overthrowing Hosni Mubarak the last Egyptian Pharaoh, and agreed on the transferring of power from Hosni Mubarak to the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces to take control of the nation in a short transition period. The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces exerted all their efforts in order to meet the key demands of the revo lutionaries through suspension the constitution, and decided to form a committee to amend changes to some constitutional articles so as to use them in issuing a constitutional declaration. After the committee had finished the amendment of the constitutional articles, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces asked citizens to participate in the referendum and not to boycott this process. In fact, most Egyptians, who have the right to vote, agreed on participating in the referendum, although they didn’t decide whether to vote â€Å"yes† or â€Å"no†; accordingly, they drew the world’s attention due to their gigantic contribution in the referendum because they turned out on Saturday, March 19th, to vote on the amendment to nine constitutional articles. The scene was incredible ... ...h many citizens may have other reasons which drove them to participate, I think that there were four main catalysts, which were the main driving forces behind this massive turnout of Egyptians to vote in the referendum. In fact, voters participated in the referendum because of their conviction with the fairness of the referendum, their feeling free to vote, and their participation due to the influence of many groups, which pushed them to look for stability and safety. In my humble opinion, all Egyptians must thank the martyrs for all they have sacrificed in order to see this day. I think that we should be proud of ourselves, and we must recognize changes, which we made in the world that motivated Austrian President Heinz Fischer to say: â€Å"The people of Egypt are the greatest people of earth; and they should deserve a Nobel Prize for Peace† quoted in (Shehab, 2011).

Family Heritage In Everyday Use Essay -- Everyday Use Alice Walker Ess

Family Heritage In Everyday Use In Alice Walker's "Everyday Use," the message about the preservation of heritage, specifically African-American heritage, is very clear. It is obvious that Walker believes that a person's heritage should be a living, dynamic part of the culture from which it arose and not a frozen timepiece only to be observed from a distance. There are two main approaches to heritage preservation depicted by the characters in this story. The narrator, a middle-aged African-American woman, and her youngest daughter Maggie, are in agreement with Walker. To them, their family heritage is everything around them that is involved in their everyday lives and everything that was involved in the lives of their ancestors. To Dee, the narrator's oldest daughter, heritage is the past - something to frame or hang on the wall, a mere artistic, aesthetic reminder of her family history. Walker depicts Dee's view of family heritage as being one of confusion and lack of understanding. The differences in attitude that Dee and Maggie portray about their heritage are seen early in the story. When the family's house burned down ten or twelve years ago, Maggie was deeply affected by the tragedy of losing her home where she grew up. As her mother describes, "She has been like this, chin on chest, eyes on ground, feet in shuffle, ever since the fire that burned the other house to the ground" (409). Dee, on the other hand, had hated the house. Her mother had wanted to ask her, "Why don't you dance around the ashes?" (409). Dee did not hold any significance in the home where she had grown up. In her confusion about her heritage, it was just a house to her. Another example of Dee's confusion about her own African-American heritage is expressed when she announces to her mother and sister that she has changed her name to "Wangero Leewanika Kemanjo." When her mother questions her about the change, Dee says, "I couldn't bear it any longer being named after the people who oppress me" (411). According to her mother, the name has been in the family since before the Civil War and most likely represents family unity to her. However, Dee does not realize that. Apparently, she believes that by changing her name she is expressing solidarity with her African ancestors and rejecting the oppression implied by the taking on of American names by black slaves. Commenting ... ...tage" (413). That comment is somewhat ironic since it appears to be Dee who does not understand what family heritage is all about. Walker's view is very clear at the end of the story. By Dee wanting to hang the family heirloom on the wall to look at from a distance, she is alienating herself from her family heritage. That is exactly what Walker thinks is the wrong thing to do. Walker would prefer the quilts to be used and integrated into daily life, like Maggie and her mother prefer. The same idea applies to all of the other household items that Dee has her eye on: the churn top, the dasher, and the benches for the table that her daddy made. They all are a part of life for Maggie and her mother. Walker believes that the only value that they hold for Dee is that they would be good trinkets to show off in her house. By using the quilts in this symbolic way, Walker is making the point that family heirlooms can only have meaning if they remain connected to the culture they sprang from - in essence, to be put to "Everyday Use." Works Cited: Walker, Alice. â€Å"Everyday Use.† Robert DiYanni, ed. Literature: Reading Fiction, Poetry, and Drama. 6th ed. Boston: McGraw-Hill, 2007.

Fiber from Water Hyacinth for pulp and handmade paper production

Statement of the Problem: 1. Is it possible to produce paper from extracted fiber of water? 2. What are the physical characteristics of the paper produced from the extracted fiber of water hyacinth? 3. Is there significant differences is the produced paper from the extracted fiber from water hyacinth to that of the commercially available paper as tested to their strengths?Scope and Delimitation The plant on which we will obtain and try to utilize for pulp and paper making as Water Hyacinth. In doing this, the roots, leaves, stalks were separated. Physical test such as tensile strengths was utilized to know the maximum tension to which a material can respond without breaking. The study includes also the determination of the bursting strength of paper, tearing resistance using Elmendorf Tearing Resistance Tester, and Folding endurance test using MIT Folding Tester.Research Method Used: Experimental Research is the method used.Methodology: 1. Sampling 2. Chemical Pulping 3. Washing, Ria sing,Sieving and Handpicking. 4. Disintegration and Beating 5. Bleaching/Dyeing 6. Pressing 7. DryingConclusion: Based on the result obtained on the analysis it shows that there is no significant between the paper produced from fibers of water hyacinth and then of the commercially available paper.The fiber dimensions indicate that the water hyacinth may be good material for pulp and paper making. Water Hyacinth can be utilized for making medium quality paper and paperboards.Recommendations We strongly recommended to enhance the paper used a certain percentage of other fibrous pulps, wasted paper pulps etc., used the blended water hyacinth pulp. These also help to minimize the shrinkage paper during drying. Paper made from Water Hyacinth is durable, flexible, and extremely versatile.Based on the experiment, we highly recommend the use of water hyacinth for paper production. In processed a high versatile and it was durable compared in those of the commercially available paper.